On Resumptive Pronouns in Slavic

Abstract

"On Resumptive Pronouns in Slavic" is a first step toward a generalized theory of pronouns that accounts for the behavior of both ordinary and resumptive pronouns. I adopt the definition of resumption proposed by Boeckx (2003) who analyzes resumptive pronouns as pronouns stranded by the movement of an NP sister. In contrast to Boeckx's theory, I argue that every definite pronoun enters the syntax as a D0 sister to its NP or DP referent. [DP her [DP the linguist ] ]

The central argument of the dissertation rests on this proposed universal pronominal structure, called the stacked DP, which consists of a maximal DP (DPMAX) containing a pronominal D0 and an internal DP (DPINT). I suggest that the single parametric difference resulting in resumptive vs. non-resumptive type languages is the ability of the internal DP to raise independently of the pronoun. In other words, any language in which the DPINT is independently mobile (i.e. it can move without pied-piping the pronoun) will contain resumptive pronouns. This analysis of the syntactic structure of pronouns extends to all instances of pronouns, including those that do not occur in a resumptive context. A natural question to follow from this is what becomes of the NP/DP sister of the pronoun in contexts not involving any resumption, as in the following sentence: (i) I met her yesterday. I propose that the NP/DP referent is frequently deleted by a PF operation, Pronominal Associate Deletion (PAD): If D<super>0</super> is a personal pronoun and XP is a sister to D<super>0</super>, then XP is deleted.

If the XP referent raises during narrow syntax, the conditions for PAD will not be met at PF. As a result, both the XP and the pronoun will be pronounced. In addition to this PF rule, I propose an LF condition to account for the interpretation of pronouns, the Pronominal Reference Condition (PRC): In DP<super>MAX</super> whose D<super>0</super> is a pronoun, interpret D<super>0</super> as co-referential with the NP also dominated by DP<super>MAX</super>.

These two operations, in combination with the stacked DP internal structure of pronouns, provide the means to explain a wide array of phenomena relating to the occurrence of resumptive pronouns, including Macedonian clitic doubling, Hebrew interrogative wh-resumption, optional resumption in B/C/S and Slovak, and resumption in Slovene superlative clauses.